SOURCE: Wikipedia, captured 2020-06-18
The Institute for Policy Studies often writes on the wealth of billionaires. For example:
[2020-07-29] When Mega-Donors Dominate Charitable Giving, Democracy Pays the Price. Wealth inequality distorts giving sector, posing risks to democracy and integrity of tax system
The final report, Gilded Giving 2020, can be found here: html | local copy (html) | pdf | local copy (pdf).
[2020-06-18]: 'Orgy of Wealth' Continues as US Billionaires Grew $584 Billion Richer Over Last 3 Months While 45 Million Lost Their Jobs. "If this pandemic reveals anything, it's how unequal our society has become and how drastically it must change."
[Sam Pizzigati, 2020-06-21] For a Racism-Free 22nd Century, We Need a Billionaire-Free 21st. The dead hand of grand fortunes past is still poisoning our present. Author Sam Pizzigati is self-described here.
The Rich Don't Always Win. The Forgotten Triumph over Plutocracy that Created the American Middle Class, 1900-1970.
Polls now show that two-thirds of Americans believe that the nation's enormous wealth ought to be "distributed more evenly." But almost as many Americans-well over half-feel that protests against inequality will ultimately have "little impact." The rich, millions of us believe, always get their way.
Except they don't.
A century ago, the United States hosted a super-rich even more domineering than ours today. Yet fifty years later, that super-rich had almost entirely disappeared. Their majestic mansions and estates had become museums and college campuses, and America had become a vibrant, mass middle class nation, the first and finest the world had ever seen.
Americans today ought to be taking no small inspiration from this stunning change. After all, if our forbears successfully beat back grand fortune, why can't we? But this transformation is inspiring virtually no one. Why? Because the story behind it has remained almost totally unknown, until now.
This lively popular history speaks directly to the political hopelessness so many Americans feel. By tracing how average Americans took down plutocracy over the first half of the 20th Century-and how plutocracy came back-The Rich Don't Always Win outfits the 99% with a deeper understanding of what we need to do to get the United States back on track to the American dream.
A veteran labor journalist, Sam Pizzigati has written widely on economic inequality for both popular and scholarly readers. His op-eds and articles on the subject of wealth have appeared in a host of major American dailies, from the New York Times to the Miami Herald, and in a variety of magazines and journals. His 2004 book, "Greed and Good: Understanding and Overcoming the Inequality That Limits Our Lives," won a coveted "outstanding title" rating from the American Library Association. Pizzigati ran the publishing operations of America's largest union, the 3.2 million-member National Education Association, for twenty years and now serves as an associate fellow at the Institute for Policy Studies in Washington, DC. His monthly newsletter on excess and inequality, "Too Much," is considered a must-read for economic justice activists and anyone else interested in the politics of excess. Pizzigati lives in Maryland.
The Institute for Policy Studies (IPS) is an American progressive think tank that was started in 1963 and is presently based in Washington, D.C. It has been directed by John Cavanagh since 1998. The organization focuses on U.S. foreign policy, domestic policy, human rights, international economics, and national security.
IPS has been described as one of the five major, independent think tanks in Washington. Members of the IPS played key roles in the civil rights and anti-war movements of the 1960s, in the women's and environmental movements of the 1970s, and in the peace, anti-apartheid, and anti-intervention movements of the 1980s.
The Institute for Policy Studies was founded in 1963 by two former governmental workers, Marcus Raskin (aide to McGeorge Bundy) and Richard Barnet (aide to John J. McCloy).
IPS was involved in the anti-Vietnam War movement from its establishment. In 1965, Raskin and Associate Fellow Bernard Fall edited The Vietnam Reader, which became a textbook for teach-ins across the country. In 1967, Raskin and IPS Fellow Arthur Waskow penned "A Call to Resist Illegitimate Authority," a document signed by dozens of prominent scholars and religious leaders which helped to launch the draft resistance movement. IPS also organized Congressional seminars and published numerous books that challenged the national security state, including Gar Alperovitz's Atomic Diplomacy and Barnet's Intervention and Revolution. IPS was the object of repeated FBI and Internal Revenue Service probes. The Nixon Administration placed Barnet and Raskin on their now infamous Enemies List.
In 1964, several leading African-American activists joined the Institute's staff and turned IPS into a base for supporting for the Civil Rights Movement in the nation's capital. Fellow Bob Moses organized trainings for field organizers of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee on the links between civil rights theory and practice, while Ivanhoe Donaldson initiated an assembly of African-American government officials. Port Huron SDS co-writer and Civil rights veteran, IPS Fellow Robb Burlage launched the critical health care justice movement in 1967 with his "Burlage Report." Later Burlage founded the Health Policy Advisory Center which published the initially monthly bulletin, Health/Pac Bulletin, first in 1968 and thereafter semi-annually and eventually quarterly for nearly 3 decades.
The IPS was also at the forefront of the feminist movement. Fellow Charlotte Bunch organized a significant women's liberation conference in 1966 and later launched two feminist periodicals, Quest and Off Our Backs. Rita Mae Brown wrote and published her notable lesbian coming-of-age novel Rubyfruit Jungle while on the staff in the 1970s.
In 1976, agents of Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet assassinated two IPS members of staff on Washington's Embassy Row. The target of the car bomb attack was Orlando Letelier, a former Chilean government minister and ambassador to the United States, one of Pinochet's most outspoken critics and the head of IPS's sister organization, the Transnational Institute (TNI). Ronni Karpen Moffitt, a 25-year-old IPS development associate, was also killed.
The Institute for Policy Studies hosts an annual human rights award in the names of Letelier and Moffitt to honor them while celebrating new heroes of the human rights movement from the United States and elsewhere in the Americas. The award recipients receive the Letelier-Moffitt Human Rights Award.
The Transnational Institute, an international progressive think tank based in Amsterdam, was originally established as the IPS's international program, although it became independent in 1973.
In its attention to the role of multinational corporations, it was also an early critic of what has come to be called globalization. Richard Barnet's 1974 examination of the power of multinational corporations, Global Reach was one of the first books on the subject.
In the 1980s, IPS became heavily involved in supporting the movement against U.S. intervention in Central America. IPS Director Robert Borosage and other staff helped draft Changing Course: Blueprint for Peace in Central America and the Caribbean, which was used by hundreds of schools, labor unions, churches, and citizen organizations as a challenge to U.S. policy in the region.
In 1985, Fellow Roger Wilkins helped found the Free South Africa Movement, which organized a year-long series of demonstrations that led to the imposition of U.S. sanctions.
In 1986, after six years of the Reagan administration, Sidney Blumenthal claimed that "Ironically, as IPS has declined in Washington influence, its stature has grown in conservative demonology. In the Reagan era, the institute has loomed as a right-wing obsession and received most of its publicity by serving as a target."
In the early 1990s, IPS began monitoring the environmental impacts of U.S. trade, investment, and drug policies.
Since 1994, IPS has also published an annual report on the disparity between CEO and worker pay that has garnered widespread coverage in the mainstream media and helped put the issue of economic inequality at the center of the political debate.
Harvey Klehr, professor of politics and history at Emory University, in his 1988 book "Far Left of Center: The American Radical Left Today" said that IPS "serves as an intellectual nerve center for the radical movement, ranging from nuclear and anti-intervention issues to support for Marxist insurgencies." Joshua Muravchik, a former scholar with the conservative think tank American Enterprise Institute has also accused the institute of communist sympathies. An analysis from The Heritage Foundation, another conservative think tank, described IPS as, "an avowedly radical organization."
In 1974, the Institute created an "Organizing Committee for the Fifth Estate" as part of its "Center for National Security Studies" which published the magazine CounterSpy until 1984. CounterSpy was in turn the subject of scrutiny by various sources, claiming that the magazine's "driving force" was Philip Agee (an ex-CIA and alleged Cuban/KGB agent) and whose publications of the names and addresses of several CIA employees contributed to the murder of the then CIA Station Chief in Greece, Richard S. Welch,
In his book "The KGB and Soviet Disinformation: An Insider's View" Ladislav Bittman, a former Státní bezpečnost agent who worked in misinformation operations, claimed that the IPS was part of the Soviet intelligence network. Bittman argued that IPS was one of the several liberal think tanks that acted as pro-Soviet propaganda agencies.
Start-up funding was secured from the Sears heir Philip Stern, and banker James Warburg. Most of the money came from a foundation of Samuel Rubin.
The Institute for Policy Studies has received $220,000 from the Bauman Foundation:
Bauman Foundation: Grants, by Fiscal Year (July 01 - June 30) | |||
Data captured 2020-09-11. | |||
Grantee | Fiscal Year | Amount | Cumulative Amount |
Institute for Policy Studies | 2008-09 | $25,000 | $220,000 |
Institute for Policy Studies | 2012-13 | $20,000 | |
Institute for Policy Studies | 2013-14 | $25,000 | |
Institute for Policy Studies | 2014-15 | $25,000 | |
Institute for Policy Studies | 2015-16 | $25,000 | |
Institute for Policy Studies | 2017-18 | $35,000 | |
Institute for Policy Studies | 2018-19 | $35,000 | |
Institute for Policy Studies | 2019-20 | $30,000 |
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